A Fragile Future:

Why scaling down MONUC too soon could spell disaster for the Congo

The Democratic Republic of Congo today finds itself at a critical turning point, confronted with both the challenges and opportunities of rebuilding a nation from the ground up. The presence of United Nations peacekeepers (MONUC) has significantly reduced fighting and organised violence, and must be maintained with an appropriate troop strength and mandate to guarantee peace and long-term stability.

MONUC should not scale down its activities until the Congolese security forces – and in particular the army – stop posing a threat to their own populations and instead begin providing security and protection to the Congolese people.

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Summary

In 2006 the Congolese people defied widespread and deeply rooted scepticism to cast their ballots in one of Africa’s most historic elections.

Their vote ended more than 40 years of misrule and civil war. In early 2007, despite continued threats to stability, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) faces a period of unprecedented opportunity – if the correct policy choices are made in the next few months.

The United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) has supported the Congolese government in the political transition process. It deserves the praise it has received for assisting DRC with its successful elections and other recent achievements.

The importance of the electoral process should not overshadow the crucial role that MONUC has played in providing security in DRC. Through its military presence and operations MONUC has been able to restore stability to large parts of the war-torn country, thereby reducing incidents of organised violence against civilians and increasing humanitarian access and economic activities.

There is little doubt that, without a substantial and effective MONUC presence, this relative stabilisation of the security situation could quickly unravel and threaten the wider region as well. MONUC officials, humanitarian actors, and civilians who have been affected by violence are warning the international community of the catastrophic humanitarian consequences that a premature scaling back of MONUC presence could induce. ‘If MONUC were to close its base and stop patrols, we would get in our boats and go to Uganda’, explain community leaders in Ituri, eastern DRC. ‘It simply wouldn’t be safe here for us. Not yet.’

Despite the fact that 46,000 combatants (out of a total of approximately 130,000) have already been integrated into a new national army, it has become clear that the FARDC (Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo) is in no position to defend itself – or any civilian in its care – against militia warlords, foreign rebels, local defence forces, or any other armed actors. Attacks on government forces in North Kivu in November 2006 have served as a timely reminder that, without full support from MONUC, the Congolese army is completely incapable of preventing attempts to seize major population centres such as Goma.

Underpaid, underfed, ill-equipped and badly led, FARDC soldiers in all of the eastern provinces remain the single biggest cause of insecurity in DRC, responsible for committing more than 80 per cent of all human-rights abuses against civilians. Similar accusations of abuse are also levelled against other arms of the security forces (including police) and ‘demobilised’ ex-combatants who continue to rely on violence as a means of survival.

In essence, most of the security forces that are meant to be protecting the civilian populations from the numerous threats still present in DRC are unable, or unwilling, to do so.

The new Congolese government has cited reform of the security sector as one of its highest priorities and MONUC has expressed a desire to support the government in this process, particularly with co-ordination, training, and advice. A strong MONUC commitment to the security-sector reform (SSR) should be considered a vital element of any post-transition mandate, and any exit strategy for MONUC will inevitably need to be linked to progress indicators on SSR processes, most importantly the military, police, and judicial sectors.

Until the Congolese government can eliminate the threats posed by its security forces, other armed groups, and recently demobilised combatants, MONUC will need to remain in DRC, using its presence to protect civilians from immediate threats and creating a stable environment in which longer-term reforms can take place.

The UN Security Council must ensure that the concerted and extraordinary efforts of the Congolese citizens to lead their country into a new era are not rewarded with a ‘cut and run’ attitude of immediate disengagement by the international community. Instead, the Security Council must make it a priority with the key member states, such as the USA, to:

• Maintain the current strength of MONUC to support the protection of the civilian population from appalling levels of insecurity and abuse. Maintain the robust use of force to protect civilians but use the mandate review to take measures to improve MONUC’s operational effectiveness.

• Explicitly link MONUC’s longer-term exit strategy to demonstrable progress on security-sector reform, beginning with a clear reduction in the levels of abuses committed by the security forces themselves, and a basic ability of military, police, and judicial sectors to defend the population from external and internal threats.

• Ensure that existing MONUC military presence prioritises the protection of civilians, and provides peacekeepers with a clearer definition of protection, more operational guidance, and better tools to translate the concept of protection into concrete action on the ground.

• Assure the new Congolese government of MONUC’s full support to the newly created democratic processes and institutions, and the protection and promotion of human rights. Offer strategic and operational support to the new sovereign government in combating the illicit exploitation of minerals and the illegal arms trade.

The Congolese people deserve no less than a clear signal that their massive sacrifices have been worth the effort, and that the international community will work together with their new government to make a better future in DRC possible.

Date of publication: February 2007